This Venezuelan businessman only hires Venezuelans in his business...

A lot of copts here do the same
Minorities are cringe

>obly hires venezuelans
I see no reference of this in the internet.

Look at the box retard, it's soy

Do spaniards really do this?

>No, it can't be

Attached: 1558392445450.jpg (211x239, 9K)

Spain gonna be a mix between Africa + south america in 15 years.well its already

re-reconquista soon insha'Allah habibi

They do the same here, they only form ghettos to study/work togheter

why is spain so cucked?

because this country is a cancer

fak niuz
stop believing what you read on an image board

why should i believe you instead

Based. He's only giving you a taste of your own medicine, Manolo.

what a fag

Um Chinese do this exclusively. They only hire other Chinese and if they are landlords they only rent to Chinese.

this

>If we have to hire anybody here, we're always looking to add a Venezuelan

emerald.com/insight/content/doi/10.1108/13552551311299242/full/html

en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Category:Ethnic_fraternal_orders_in_the_United_States

en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Category:Diaspora_organizations_in_the_United_States

>reports this to my chicano activist organization
btfo venezuela fags

he has a very annoying face

He looks like one of our congressmen that is a LGBT lobbyng homosexual

en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Employment_discrimination_law_in_the_United_States
Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 prohibits discrimination in many more aspects of the employment relationship. "Title VII created the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) to administer the act". [11] It applies to most employers engaged in interstate commerce with more than 15 employees, labor organizations, and employment agencies.

Due to limits of law applications to businesses with more than 15 employees it seems that in the US some businesses are able to have a preference for hiring people that are of the same extended family, ethnic background, location background prior to immigration, and/or religious background.
macaulay.cuny.edu/eportfolios/benediktsson2013/files/2013/04/Immigrant-Business-Development-in-New-York.pdf

1989:
As we approach the 1990s, it is apparent that ethnic business is no longer a matter of strictly historical interest. Recent developments the renewal of mass immigration to the United States, the growing importance of small business to the U.S. economy, the evident entrepreneurial success of some recent immigrant groups, the persistently low self-employment rates among native blacks have made the study of ethnic business a lively field. One can now count numerous empirical studies of which the recent reports on Korean entrepreneurs in New York, Los Angeles, and Chicago, on the Cuban business enclave in Miami, on immigrant restauranteurs and garment factory owners in New York are just a small sample.2 And as researchers have documented the ability of particular ethnic groups to exploit small business niches in an economy dominated by larger, more sophisticated concerns, they have kicked off a wave of fertile theorizing about ethnic business.

The various theoretical schema elaborated thus far-Ivan Light's notion of class and ethnic resources, Edna Bonacich's concept of the middleman minority, Alejandro Portes' argument about the formation of "ethnic enclaves" have filtered deeply into the literature and have become part of the conceptual vocabulary that scholars use to think about problems of race and ethnicity.

Ethnic Resources: The nature of the immigration process is such that immigrants rely on networks of kin and friends for information and for assistance in finding jobs and homes. If immigrants can then mobilize those networks to raise capital or to obtain trustworthy workers willing to work long hours at lower wages they may gain an edge over native competitors, who are less likely to have similarly strong ties and are more likely to rely on market processes in recruiting labor. Just how well this characterization of native owners fits our sample of white businesspeople is open to question, since virtually all of our owners were "ethnics" and many were immigrants themselves. But since most of the whites were native-born, and the immigrants among them were mainly residents of long-standing duration, we can still appropriately hypothesize that strong ties to dense social networks will be less common among the group of white owners than among their immigrant counterparts. As shown in Table 3, informal, kin and ethnic resources are important to all three groups of entrepreneurs. A substantial proportion of entrepreneurs have kinship ties to other owners, with Koreans highest in the proportion related to family members owning shops (the difference, however, is not significant). Such ties to other owners are likely to be useful

in a variety of ways, from providing information to having meaningful role models whom one can imitate; indeed, data not displayed here, show that Koreans were significantly more likely than others to receive business advice and assistance from kin and other Korean friends. Other studies of immigrant and ethnic entrepreneurs have emphasized the importance of social networks in raising start-up capital. The owners queried in this survey, however, indicate that personal savings were the most important source of start-up funds; interestingly, the Koreans were most likely to raise capital through savings and also generated the highest proportion of capital through this source. Still, social ties to friends and family played an important role in generating capital for owners in all three groups. The impact of differences in informal resources can best be seen when examining staffing patterns among the three groups of firms. Potential access to family labor was greatest among the Koreans, since almost all were married, in contrast to roughly three-fourths of the Hispanics and whites. Spouses were also most likely to work in Korean-owned firms and least likely to be found in white-owned shops. Though children were most likely to work in white-owned shops, children played a relatively minor role, with only one-seventh of the owners in all three groups reporting children at work in the shop. Consistent with this pattern is the finding that kin played the least important role in staffing white firms: white firms employed the largest number of workers, employed the fewest number of kin, and therefore had the highest proportion of workers drawn out side the family orbit.