DNC insider here
Madam Clinton will run again in 2020 and there's nothing you bigots can do about it this time.
We are prepared to combat your racist bigoted frog magic and your fascist orange Hitler in ways you can't imagine.
This woman is destined to become the world's first woman president. Nothing can stop that. She will never give up. Neither will us #ImWithHer
at least make it funny
Lol, you two haven't watching the news lately.
>We are prepared to combat your racist bigoted frog magic
Please be genuine
How do you plan to combat magic?
Sounds like a lot of stairs to climb
hilldawg crew counter-memes. you saw them when they were but in their infancy. but now? now the power they wield is great beyond reckoning, for one has come among them with the will and strength to use them.
shirak.
I don't know what's more epic, thinking people here really believe in magic or that the democrat party hiring magic experts.
I challenge u to a meme off stupid frogposterrsIm am dead serious bigot what you mean?? hahah nice try nazi. as if I'll reveal our stragedies. It's well organized fuck off ???? what country is your flagnice joke nazi. the coven will beat ur gay ass frog to the death hahah
She's not a madam, she's a concierge
she doesnt work in a hotel stupid. she's the legittimate president of America. blumpf is illegal hahaha
>Madam Clinton will run again in 2020 and there's nothing you bigots can do about it this time.
>We are prepared to combat your racist bigoted frog magic and your fascist orange Hitler in ways you can't imagine.
good, if she run Trump will surely win
The drumpftards laughing at that tweet are so retarded. Hillary is only 70 and the average white female life expectancy in the United States 81.5 years, and as Hillary is well off and healthy, she will probably life another 8.5 years to be 90.
Therefore, she could still become president in the 2020, 2024, 2028, 2032 and 2036 elections, possibly also in the 2040 election. The picture only wishes happy birthday to a future president, not to a future president elected in 2016 (and I'm pretty sure she has good chances in 2020 after Drumpf crases and burns, now that even his base is abandoning him!)
0/8 b8 m8
>in all fields
Is her Walmart tour over yet?
So a flip.
so gay goes in all fields
Do a flip.
>This woman is destined to become the world's first woman president.
They are many women presidents. . .
*wipes mouth with tissue* so do I have your vote mister?
"Thiz woman is destined to become the worlds first female president"
Why has she invented a time machine ?
en.m.wikipedia.org
Kys subhuman cunt
>insider
Lefties really are this retarded.
i voted for her because fuck voting for the gop but she needs to admit she lost because she ran a terrible campaign and fuck off
>DNC insider here
I actually believe this. based on how stupid your posts are
just stop
At this point Hillary losing when heavily favored and having every advantage is an American meme, and we love tradition, so even if an inanimate object were her opponent, I'd vote for it for lulz.
Throwback lads
That’s a catchy image... would make a nice t-shirt
Your candidate is so despised she got beat out by a reality TV star with a yuge ego.
Just let that sink in a moment...
pls do we need new memes
Cool. I'll literally kms if she becomes president.
fpbp
sexistracistbasedhomophobesexisthells yesracist misogynybigotMisoginist toxic male
just stop trying, your shill thread is dead.
That shit doesn't work here. You argue by shaming. You must be a woman or an extremely effeminate male. arguingwithholes.jpg
>world first women president
are you retarded ??
Try harder next time ffs
We all want hillary to run again too
lmao please run again
>Neither will us
fucking retard kys
I like you, you make me laugh.
Find another woman if you want a female president that bad.
>the world's first woman president
You know that there are female presidents, r-right?
>the world's first woman president
Where were you all when Sarah Palin and Carly Fiorina were running?
It's got nothing to do with your glass ceiling bullshit.
Demoncrats are cultural marxists. Snap out of it , nigress.
>DNC insider here
>Madam Clinton will run again in 2020 and there's nothing you bigots can do about it this time.
She'll be dead before 2020.
She drinks infant blood so she'll probably live to get a hundred years old like the lizard queen of England.
Her turn is prophesized. This time around, Bernie won't be participating. Let's just say that the 12 inch dildo he took up the ass last time he had his little confrontation with us still has him still feeling a bit loose if you know what I mean ;)
I remember her. She is good at losing and blaming everyone else.
Back down Drumpftlets, this is a fight you will never win. You're all on the wrong side of history, love trumps hate, #ImWithHer!
STOP REPLYING TO SLIDE THREADS FAGGOTS!
LET THEM ROT AT THE BOTTOM OF THE CATALOG
My personal attitude was established from the very start. I
hated the whole gang of miserable party scoundrels and betrayers
of the people in the extreme. It had long been clear to me that
this whole gang was not really concerned with the welfare of the
nation, but with filling empty pockets. For this they were ready
to sacrifice the whole nation, and if necessary to let Germany be
destroyed; and in my eyes this made them ripe for hanging. To
take consideration of their wishes was to sacrifice the interests
of the working people for the benefit of a few pickpockets; these
wishes could only be fulfilled by giving up Germany.
And the great majority of the embattled army still thought
the same. Only the reinforcements coming from home rapidly
grew worse and worse, so that their arrival meant, not a rein-
forcement but a weakening of our fighting strength. Especially
the young reinforcements were mostly worthless. It was often
hard to believe that these were sons of the same nation which
had once sent its youth out to the battle for Ypres.
In August and September, the symptoms of disorganization
increased more and more rapidly, although the effect of the
enemy attack was not to be compared with the terror of our
former defensive battles. The past Battle of Flanders and the
Battle of the Somme had been awesome by comparison.
At the end of September, my division arrived for the third
time at the positions which as young volunteer regiments we had
once stormed.
What a memory!
Socialists, the Center, and the Democrats, led by Scheidemann. On Feb-
ruary 11, it chose Friedrich Ebert President of Germany. The Scheidemann
Cabinet resigned on June 20 because it was unwilling to sign the peace
treaty. The treaty was signed by the succeeding Cabinet of Gustav Bauer
after the Assembly had voted acceptance. The Socialist and Democrat
majority were attacked by both Right and Left for accepting this 'national
disgrace.'
Noice b8 m8!
In October and November of 1914, we had there received our
baptism of fire. Fatherland love in our heart and songs on our
lips, our young regiments had gone into the battle as to a dance.
The most precious blood there sacrificed itself joyfully, in the
faith that it was preserving the independence and freedom of
the fatherland.
In July, 1917, we set foot for the second time on the ground
that was sacred to all of us. For in it the best comrades slumbered,
still almost children, who had run to their death with gleaming
eyes for the one true fatherland.
We old soldiers, who had then marched out with the regiment,
stood in respectful emotion at this shrine of 'loyalty and obedi-
ence to the death.'
Now in a hard defensive battle the regiment was to defend
this soil which it had stormed three years earlier.
With three weeks of drumfire the Englishman prepared the
great Flanders offensive. The spirits of the dead seemed to
quicken; the regiment clawed its way into the filthy mud, bit
into the various holes and craters, and neither gave ground nor
wavered. As once before in this place, it grew steadily smaller
and thinner, until the British attack finally broke loose on July
13, 1917.
In the first days of August we were relieved.
The regiment had turned into a few companies: crusted with
mud they tottered back, more like ghosts than men. But aside
from a few hundred meters of shell holes, the Englishman had
found nothing but death.
Now, in the fall of 1918, we stood for the third time on the
storm site of 1914. The little city of Comines where we then
rested had now become our battlefield. Yet, though the battle-
field was the same, the men had changed: for now 'political dis-
cussions' went on even among the troops. As everywhere, the
poison of the hinterland began, here too, to be effective. And
the younger recruit fell down completely — for he came from
home.
In the night of October 13, the English gas attack on the
southern front before Ypres burst loose; they used yellow-cross
gas, whose effects were still unknown to us as far as personal ex-
perience was concerned. In this same night I myself was to
become acquainted with it. On a hill south of Wervick, we came
on the evening of October 13 into several hours of drumfire with
gas shells which continued all night more or less violently. As
early as midnight, a number of us passed out, a few of our com-
rades forever. Toward morning I, too, was seized with pain
which grew worse with every quarter hour, and at seven in the
morning I stumbled and tottered back with burning eyes;
taking with me my last report of the War.
A few hours later, my eyes had turned into glowing coals;
it had grown dark around me.
Thus I came to the hospital at Pasewalk in Pomerania, and
there I was fated to experience — the greatest villainy of the
century. 1
For a long time there had been something indefinite but re-
pulsive in the air. People were telling each other that in the
next few weeks it would 'start in' — but I was unable to imagine
what was meant by this. First I thought of a strike like that of
the spring. Unfavorable rumors were constantly coming from
the navy, which was said to be in a state of ferment. But this,
too, seemed to me more the product of the imagination of indi-
vidual scoundrels than an affair involving real masses. Even in
the hospital, people were discussing the end of the War which
they hoped would come soon, but no one counted on anything
immediate. I was unable to read the papers.
In November the general tension increased.
And then one day, suddenly and unexpectedly, the calamity
descended. Sailors arrived in trucks and proclaimed the revolu-
tion; a few Jewish youths were the 'leaders' in this struggle for
the 'freedom, beauty, and dignity' of our national existence.
None of them had been at the front. By way of a so-called
'gonorrhoea hospital,' the three Orientals had been sent back
home from their second-line base. Now they raised the red rag
in the homeland.
In the last few days I had been getting along better. The
piercing pain in my eye sockets was diminishing; slowly I suc-
ceeded in distinguishing the broad outlines of the things about
me. I was given grounds for hoping that I should recover my
eyesight at least well enough to be able to pursue some profession
later. To be sure, I could no longer hope that I would ever be
able to draw again. In any case, I was on the road to improve-
ment when the monstrous thing happened.
My first hope was still that this high treason might still be a
more or less local affair. I also tried to bolster up a few comrades
in this view. Particularly my Bavarian friends in the hospital
were more than accessible to this. The mood there was anything
but 'revolutionary.' I could not imagine that the madness would
break out in Munich, too. Loyalty to the venerable House of
Wittelsbach 1 seemed to me stronger, after all, than the will of a
few Jews. Thus I could not help but believe that this was merely
a Putsch on the part of the navy and would be crushed in the
next few days.
The next few days came and with them the most terrible cer-
tainty of my life. The rumors became more and more oppressive.
What I had taken for a local affair was now said to be a general
revolution. To this was added the disgraceful news from the
front. They wanted to capitulate. Was such a thing really
possible?
On November 10, the pastor came to the hospital for a short
address: now we learned everything.
In extreme agitation, I, too, was present at the short speech.
The dignified old gentleman seemed all a-tremble as he informed
us that the House of Hollenzollern should no longer bear the
German imperial crown; that the fatherland had become a
'republic'; that we must pray to the Almighty not to refuse His
blessing to this change and not to abandon our people in the
times to come. He could not help himself, he had to speak a few
words in memory of the royal house. He began to praise its
services in Pomerania, in Prussia, nay, to the German fatherland,
and — here he began to sob gently to himself — in the little hall
the deepest dejection settled on all hearts, and I believe that not
an eye was able to restrain its tears. But when the old gentle-
man tried to go on, and began to tell us that we must now end
the long War, yes, that now that it was lost and we were throw-
ing ourselves upon the mercy of the victors, our fatherland would
for the future be exposed to dire oppression, that the armistice
should be accepted with confidence in the magnanimity of our
previous enemies — I could stand it no longer. It became im-
possible for me to sit still one minute more. Again everything
went black before my eyes; I tottered and groped my way back
to the dormitory, threw myself on my bunk, and dug my burn-
ing head into my blanket and pillow.
Since the day when I had stood at my mother's grave, I had
not wept. When in my youth Fate seized me with merciless
hardness, my defiance mounted. When in the long war years
Death snatched so many a dear comrade and friend from our
ranks, it would have seemed to me almost a sin to complain —
after all, were they not dying for Germany? And when at length
the creeping gas — in the last days of the dreadful struggle —
attacked me, too, and began to gnaw at my eyes, and beneath
the fear of going blind forever, I nearly lost heart for a moment,
the voice of my conscience thundered at me: Miserable wretch,
are you going to cry when thousands are a hundred times worse
off than you! And so I bore my lot in dull
privations; in vain the hunger and thirst of months which were
often endless; in vain the hours in which, with mortal fear clutch-
ing at our hearts, we nevertheless did our duty; and in vain the
death of two millions who died. Would not the graves of all l"he
hundreds of thousands open, the graves of those who with faith
in the fatherland had marched forth never to return? Would
they not open and send the silent mud- and blood-covered heroes
back as spirits of vengeance to the homeland which had cheated
them with such mockery of the highest sacrifice which a man
can make to his people in this world? Had they died for this, the
soldiers of August and September, 1914? Was it for this that
in the autumn of the same year the volunteer regiments marched
after their old comrades? Was it for this that these boys of
seventeen sank into the earth of Flanders? Was this the mean-
ing of the sacrifice which the German mother made to the father-
land when with sore heart she let her best-loved boys march
off, never to see them again? Did all this happen only so that a
gang of wretched criminals could lay hands on the fatherland?
Was it for this that the German soldier had stood fast in the
sun's heat and in snowstorms, hungry, thirsty, and freezing,
weary from sleepless nights and endless marches? Was it for
this that he had lain in the hell of the drumfire and in the fever
of gas attacks without wavering, always thoughtful of his one
duty to preserve the fatherland from the enemy peril?
Verily these heroes deserved a headstone : ' Thou Wanderer who
comest to Germany, tell those at home that we lie here, true to
the fatherland and obedient to duty.'
And what about those at home — ?
And yet, was it only our own sacrifice that we had to weigh in
the balance? Was the Germany of the past less precious? Was
there no obligation toward our own history? Were we still
worthy to relate the glory of the past to ourselves? And how
could this deed be justified to future generations?
Miserable and degenerate criminals!
The more I tried to achieve clarity on the monstrous event in
this hour, the more the shame of indignation and disgrace burned
my brow. What was all the pain in my eyes compared to this
misery?
There followed terrible days and even worse nights — I knew
that all was lost. Only fools, liars, and criminals could hope in
the mercy of the enemy. In these nights hatred grew in me,
hatred for those responsible for this deed.
In the days that followed, my own fate became known to me.
I could not help but laugh at the thought of my own future
which only a short time before had given me such bitter con-
cern. Was it not ridiculous to expect to build houses on such
ground? At last it became clear to me that what had happened
was what I had so often feared but had never been able to
believe with my emotions.
Kaiser William II was the first German Emperor to hold out
a conciliatory hand to the leaders of Marxism, without suspect-
ing that scoundrels have no honor. While they still held the
imperial hand in theirs, their other hand was reaching for the
dagger.
There is no making pacts with Jews; there can only be the
hard: either — or.
I, for my part, decided to go into politics.
first time acted in such a way as to arouse the disapproval of the
Central Council. Early in the morning of April 27, 1919, 1 was
to be arrested, but, faced with my leveled carbine, the three
scoundrels lacked the necessary courage and marched off as they
had come.
A few days after the liberation of Munich, I was ordered to re-
port to the examining commission concerned with revolutionary
occurrences in the Second Infantry Regiment.
This was my first more or less purely political activity.
Only a few weeks afterward I received orders to attend a
'course' that was held for members of the armed forces. In it the
soldier was supposed to learn certain fundamentals of civic think-
ing. For me the value of the whole affair was that I now obtained
an opportunity of Meeting a few like-minded comrades with
whom I could thoroughly discuss the situation of the moment.
All of us were more or less firmly convinced that Germany could
no longer be saved from the impending collapse by the parties of
the November crime, the Center and the Social Democracy, and
that the so-called 'bourgeois-national' formations, even with the
best of intentions, could never repair what had happened. A whole
series of preconditions were lacking, without which such a task
simply could not succeed. The following period confirmed the
opinion we then held. Thus, in our own circle we discussed the
foundation of a new party. The basic ideas which we had in mind
were the same as those later realized in the 'German Workers'
Party.' The name of the movement to be founded would from
the very beginning have to offer the possibility of approaching
the broad masses; for without this quality the whole task seemed
aimless and superfluous. Thus we arrived at the name of 'Social
Revolutionary Party'; this because the social views of the new
organization did indeed mean a revolution.
But the deeper ground for this lay in the following: however
Ok.
tion of the German alliance policy. This in very great part was
the outcome of a false estimation of economics as well as un-
clarity concerning the possible basis for sustaining the German
people in the future. But all these ideas were based on the opinion
that capital in any case was solely the result of labor and, there-
fore, like itself was subject to the correction of all those factors
which can either advance or thwart human activity; and the
national importance of capital was that it depended so com-
pletely on the greatness, freedom, and power of the state, hence
of the nation, that this bond in itself would inevitably cause
capital to further the state and the nation owing to its simple in-
stinct of self-preservation or of reproduction. This dependence
of capital on the independent free state would, therefore, force
capital in turn to champion this freedom, power, strength, etc.,
of the nation.
Thus, the task of the state toward capital was comparatively
simple and clear: it only had to make certain that capital remain
the handmaiden of the state and not fancy itself the mistress of
the nation. This point of view could then be defined between
two restrictive limits: preservation of a solvent, national, and
independent economy on the one hand, assurance of the social
rights of the workers on the other.
Previously I had been unable to recognize with the desired
clarity the difference between this pure capital as the end result
of productive labor and a capital whose existence and essence
rests exclusively on speculation. For this I lacked the initial in-
spiration, which had simply not come my way.
But now this was provided most amply by one of the various
gentlemen lecturing in the above-mentioned course: Gottfried
Feder. 1
For the first time in my life I heard a principled discussion of
international stock exchange and loan capital.
Right after listening to Feder's first lecture, the thought ran
through my head that I had now found the way to one of the
most essential premises for the foundation of a new party.
In my eyes Feder's merit consisted in having established with
ruthless brutality the speculative and economic character of
stock exchange and loan capital, and in having exposed its eternal
and age-old presupposition which is interest. His arguments were
so sound in all fundamental questions that their critics from the
start questioned the theoretical correctness of the idea less than
they doubted the practical possibility of its execution. But what
in the eyes of others was a weakness of Feder's arguments, in my
eyes constituted their strength.
It is not the task of a theoretician to determine the varying
degrees in which a cause can be realized, but to establish the
cause as such: that is to say: he must concern himself less with the
road than with the goal. In this, however, the basic correctness
of an idea is decisive and not the difficulty of its execution. As
soon as the theoretician attempts to take account of so-called
'utility' and 'reality' instead of the absolute truth, his work will
cease to be a polar star of seeking humanity and instead will be-
come a prescription for everyday life. The theoretician of a move-
ment must lay down its goal, the politician strive for its fulfill-
ment. The thinking of the one, therefore, will be determined by
eternal truth, the actions of the other more by the practical
reality of the moment. The greatness of the one lies in the ab-
solute abstract soundness of his idea, that of the other in his cor-
rect attitude toward the given facts and their advantageous ap-
plication; and in this the theoretician's aim must serve as his
guiding star. While the touchstone for the stature of a politician
may be regarded as the success of his plans and acts — in other
words, the degree to which they become reality — the realization
of the theoretician's ultimate purpose can never be realized, since,
though human thought can apprehend truths and set up crystal-
clear aims, complete fulfillment will fail due to the general im-
perfection and inadequacy of man. The more abstractly correct
and hence powerful the idea will be, the more impossible remains
its complete fulfillment as long as it continues to depend on hu-
man beings. Therefore, the stature of the theoretician must not
be measured by the fulfillment of his aims, but by their soundness
and the influence they have had on the development of humanity.
If this were not so, the founders of religion could not be counted
among the greatest men of this earth, since the fulfillment of
their ethical purposes will never be even approximately complete.
In its workings, even the religion of love is only the weak reflection
of the will of its exalted founder; its significance, however, lies in
the direction which it attempted to give to a universal human
development of culture, ethics, and morality.
The enormous difference between the tasks of the theoretician
and the politician is also the reason why a union of both in one
person is almost never found. This is especially true of the so-
called 'successful' politician of small format, whose activity for
the most part is only an 'art of the possible,' as Bismarck rather
their successes in the present are based solely on keeping at a
distance all really great and profound problems and ideas, which
as such would only have been of value for later generations.
The execution of such aims, which have value and significance
for the most distant times, usually brings little reward to the man
who champions them and rarely finds understanding among the
great masses, who for the moment have more understanding for
beer and milk regulations than for f arsighted plans for the future,
whose realization can only occur far hence, and whose benefits
will be reaped only by posterity.
Thus, from a certain vanity, which is always a cousin of stupid-
ity, the great mass of politicians will keep far removed from all
really weighty plans for the future, in order not to lose the mo-
mentary sympathy of the great mob. The success and significance
of such a politician lie then exclusively in the present, and do not
exist for posterity. But small minds are little troubled by this;
they are content.
With the theoretician conditions are different. His importance
lies almost always solely in the future, for not seldom he is what
is described by the world as 'unworldly.' For if the art of the
politician is really the art of the possible, the theoretician is one
of those of whom it can be said that they are pleasing to the gods
only if they demand and want the impossible. He will almost
always have to renounce the recognition of the present, but in
return, provided his ideas are immortal, will harvest the fame of
posterity.
In long periods of humanity, it may happen once that the poli-
tician is wedded to the theoretician. The more profound this
fusion, however, the greater are the obstacles opposing the work
of the politician. He no longer works for necessities which will be
understood by the first best shopkeeper, but for aims which only
the fewest comprehend. Therefore, his life is
Nigger.
sent can comprehend them; the harder his fight, and the rarer
success. If, however, once in centuries success does come to a
man, perhaps in his latter days a faint beam of his coming glory
may shine upon him. To be sure, these great men are only the
Marathon runners of history; the laurel wreath of the present
touches only the brow of the dying hero.
Among them must be counted the great warriors in this world
who, though not understood by the present, are nevertheless
prepared to carry the fight for their ideas and ideals to their end.
They are the men who some day will be closest to the heart of the
people; it almost seems as though every individual feels the duty
of compensating in the past for the sins which the present once
committed against the great. 1 Their life and work are followed
with admiring gratitude and emotion, and especially in days of
gloom they have the power to raise up broken hearts and despair-
ing souls.
To them belong, not only the truly great statesmen, but all
other great reformers as well. Beside Frederick the Great stands
Martin Luther as well as Richard Wagner.
As I listened to Gottfried Feder's first lecture about the 'break-
ing of interest slavery,' I knew at once that this was a theoretical
truth which would inevitably be of immense importance for the
future of the German people. The sharp separation of stock ex-
change capital from the national economy offered the possibility
of opposing the internationalization of the German economy
without at the same time menacing the foundations of an inde-
pendent national self-maintenance by a struggle against all
capital. The development of Germany was much too clear in my
eyes for me not to know that the hardest battle would have to be
fought, not against hostile nations, but against international
capital. In Feder's lecture I sensed a powerful slogan for this
coming struggle.
bourgeois politicians no longer laugh at us: today even they, in so
far as they are not conscious liars, see that international stock
exchange capital was not only the greatest agitator for the War,
but that especially, now that the fight is over, it spares no effort
to turn the peace into a hell.
The fight against international finance and loan capital
became the most important point in the program of the
German nation's struggle for its economic independence and
freedom.
As regards the objections of so-called practical men, they can
be answered as follows: All fears regarding the terrible economic
consequences of the 'breaking of interest slavery' are superfluous;
for, in the first place, the previous economic prescriptions have
turned out very badly for the German people, and your positions
on the problems of national self-maintenance remind us strongly
of the reports of similar experts in former times, for example,
those of the Bavarian medical board on the question of introduc-
ing the railroad. It is well known that none of the fears of this
exalted corporation were later realized: the travelers in the trains
of the new 'steam horse' did not get dizzy, the onlookers did not
get sick, and the board fences to hide the new invention from
sight were given up — only the board fences around the brains
of all so-called 'experts' were preserved for posterity.
In the second place, the following should be noted: every idea,
even the best, becomes a danger if it parades as a purpose in it-
self, being in reality only a means to one. For me and all true
National Socialists there is but one doctrine: people and father-
land.
What we must fight for is to safeguard the existence and reproduc-
tion of our race and our people, the sustenance of our children and
the purity of our blood, the freedom and independence of the father-
land, so that our people may mature for the fulfillment of the mission
>Neither will us
Alright retard.
Shit bait, 1/10. Sage'd instead of rage'd
>13▶
>File: 1529227053631.jpg (86 KB, 800x800)
> (OP)
>Throwback lads
youtube.com