Jow Forums btfo! When will Jow Forums admit there is no such thing as God...

By their fruits, ye shall know them.

Why is he such a massive cuck?

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>if there was no religion there would be no war
then how comes all the remains of pippo we find stretching back 10s and even 100s of thousands of years have arrow injuries and blunt force trauma injuries.. almost as if.. they were warring over territory and resources and tlater tribal customs and laws n sheeit

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Woah, those are some controversial opinions right there. I wonder what the british police will do about them.

>Jow Forums btfo!
Into the trash it goes
>sargon-of-akkad-sargon-of(...).png
Surely everyone that has seen a twitter screencap before recognizes that it's fake, righ?

LOL for saying "there is no prophet" they would probably arrest him for hate speech for reals. islamaphobia! I... I'm tempted..

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This quote is on point. Science is actually the easiest way to prove that God exists. Eventually you realize that everything in the universe is the result of one great and marvelous single point of creation.
A good way of boiling down what I'm saying is through another popular phrase:
>Which came first, the chicken, or the egg?
Think about that phrase; but think about how it relates to the Big Bang.

the 42-centimeter mortar, since the German 21-centimeter mortar
was in itself superior to any then existing high trajectory French
cannon, and the fortresses would have likewise fallen to the
30.5-centimeter mortar. The leadership of the land army, how-
ever, thought soundly, while that of the navy unfortunately
did not.

The neglect of superior artillery power and superior speed lay
entirely in the absolutely erroneous so-called 'idea of risk.' The
navy leadership by the very form in which it expanded the fleet
renounced attack and thus from the outset inevitably assumed
the defensive. But in this they also renounced the ultimate suc-
cess which is and can only be forever in attack.

A ship of smaller speed and weaker armament will as a rule be
sent to the bottom by a speedier and more heavily armed enemy
at the firing distance favorable for the latter. A number of our
cruisers were to find this out to their bitter grief. The utter
mistakenness of the peacetime opinion of the navy staff was
shown by the War, which forced the introduction, whenever
possible, of modified armament in old ships and better armament
in newer ones. If in the battle of Skagerrak the German ships
had had the tonnage, the armament, the same speed as the
English ships, the British navy would have found a watery grave
beneath the hurricane of the more accurate and more effective
German 38-centimeter shells.

Japan carried on a different naval policy in those days. There,
on principle, the entire emphasis was laid on giving every single
new ship superior fighting power over the presumable adversary.
The result was a greater possibility of offensive utilization of the
navy.

While the staff of the land army still kept free of such basically
false trains of thought, the navy, which unfortunately had better
'parliamentary ' representation, succumbed to the spirit of parlia-

heroism of the individual officers and crews. If the previous naval
high command had shown corresponding intelligence, these sac-
rifices would not have been in vain.

Thus perhaps it was precisely the superior parliamentary dex-
terity of the navy's peacetime head that resulted in its misfor-
tune, since, even in its building, parliamentary instead of purely
military criteria unfortunately began to play the decisive rdle.
The half-heartedness and weakness as well as the meager logic
in thinking, 1 characteristic of the parliamentary institution,
began to color the leadership of the navy.

The land army, as already emphasized, still refrained from
such basically false trains of thought. Particularly the colonel
in the great General Staff of that time, Ludendorff , carried on a
desperate struggle against the criminal half-heartedness and
weakness with which the Reichstag approached the vital prob-
lems of the nation, and for the most part negated them. If the
struggle which this officer then carried on was nevertheless in
vain, the blame was borne half by parliament and half by the
attitude and weakness — even more miserable, if possible —
of Reich Chancellor Bethmann Hollweg. Yet today this does
not in the least prevent those who were responsible for the
German collapse from putting the blame precisely on him who
alone combated this neglect of national interests — one swindle
more or less is nothing to these born crooks.

Anyone who contemplates all the sacrifices which were heaped
on the nation by the criminal frivolity of these most irre-
sponsible among irresponsibles, who passes in review all the
uselessly sacrificed dead and maimed, as well as the boundless
shame and disgrace, the immeasurable misery which has now
struck us, and knows that all this happened only to clear the
path to ministers' chairs for a gang of unscrupulous climbers and
job-hunters — anyone who contemplates all

guistic usage would be incomprehensible. For compared to these
traitors to the nation, every pimp is a man of honor.
Strangely enough, all the really seamy sides- of old Germany
attracted attention only when the inner solidarity of the nation
would inevitably suffer thereby. Yes, indeed, in such cases the.
unpleasant truths were positively bellowed to the broad masses,
while otherwise the same, people preferred, modestly to conceal .
many things and in part simply to deny them. This was the case
when the open discussion of a question might have led to an im-
provement. At the same time, the government offices in charge
knew next to nothing of the value and nature of propaganda.
The fact that by clever and persevering use of propaganda even
heaven can be represented as hell to the people, and conversely
the most wretched life as paradise, was known only to the Jew,
who acted accordingly; the German, or rather his. government,
hadn't the faintest idea of this.

During the War we were to suffer most gravely for all this.
Along with all the evils of German life before the War here
indicated, and many more, there were also many advantages.
In a fair examination, we must even recognize that most of our
weaknesses were largely shared by other countries and peoples,
and in some, indeed, we were put completely in the shade, while
they did not possess many of our own actual advantages.

At the head of these advantages we can, among other things,
set the fact that, of nearly all European peoples, the German
people still made the greatest attempt to preserve the national
character of its economy and despite certain evil omens was least
subject to international financial control. A dangerous advan-

LE ABSOLUTELY FUCKING BASED BASEDBOY KEKISTANI LE BRAIZE KEKE LEL.

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tage, to be sure, which later became the greatest instigator of the
World War. But aside from this and many other things, we
must, from the vast number of healthy sources of national
strength, pick three institutions which in their kind were ex-
emplary and in part unequaled.

First, the state form as such and the special stamp which it
had received in modern Germany.

Here we may really disregard the individual monarchs who as
men are subject to all the weaknesses which are customarily
visited upon this earth and its children; if we were not lenient in
this, we would have to despair of the present altogether, for are
not the representatives of the present regime, considered as per-
sonalities, intellectually and morally of the most modest propor-
tions that we can conceive of even racking our brains for a long
time? Anyone who measures the 'value' of the German revolu-
tion by the value and stature of the personalities which it has
given the German people since November, 1919, will have to
hide his head for shame before the judgment of future genera-
tions, whose tongue it will no longer be possible to stop by pro-
tective laws, etc., and which therefore will say what today all of
us know to be true, to wit, that brains and virtue in our modern
German leaders are inversely proportionate to their vices and
the size of their mouths.

To be sure, the monarchy had grown alien to many, to the
broad masses above all. This was the consequence of the fact
that the monarchs were not always surrounded by the brightest
— to put it mildly — and above all not by the sincerest minds.
Unfortunately, a number of them liked flatterers better than
straightforward natures, and consequently it was the flatterers
who 'instructed' them. A very grave evil at a time when many
of the world's old opinions had undergone a great change, spread-
ing naturally to the estimation in which many old-established
traditions of the courts were held.

were incapable of correctly judging the effect of such a parade in
the eyes of the people, for if they had, such unfortunate perform-
ances would doubtless not have occurred. Moreover, the humani-
tarian bilge — not always entirely sincere — that these circles
went in for repelled more than it attracted. If, for example,
Princess X condescended to taste a sample of food in a people's
kitchen, in former days it might have looked well, but now the
result was the opposite. We may be justified in assuming that
Her Highness really had no idea that the food on the day she
sampled it was a little different from what it usually was; but it
was quite enough that the people knew it.

Thus, what may possibly have been the best intention became
ridiculous, if not actually irritating.

Stories about the monarch's proverbial frugality, his much too
early rising and his slaving away until late into the night, amid
the permanent peril of threatening undernourishment, aroused
very dubious comments. People did not ask to know what food
and how much of it the monarch deigned to consume; they did
not begrudge him a 'square' meal; nor were they out to de-
prive him of the sleep he needed; they were satisfied if in other
things, as a man and character, he was an honor to the name of
his house and to the nation, and if he fulfilled his duties as a ruler.
Telling fairy tales helped little, but did all the more harm.

This and many similar things were mere trifles, however.
What had a worse effect on sections of the nation, that were un-
fortunately very large, was the mounting conviction that people
were ruled from the top no matter what happened, and that,
therefore, the individual had no need to bother about anything.
As long as the government was really good, or at least had the
best intentions, this was bearable. But woe betide if the old
government whose intentions were after all

For one thing, the stability of the entire state leadership,
brought about by the monarchic form of state and the removal
of the highest state posts from the welter of speculation by am-
bitious politicians. Furthermore, the dignity of the institution as
such and the authority which this alone created: likewise the rais-
ing of the civil service and particularly the army above the level
of party obligations. One more advantage was the personal em-
bodiment of the state's summit in the monarch as a person, and
the example of responsibility which is bound to be stronger in a
monarch than in the accidental rabble of a parliamentary ma-
jority — the proverbial incorruptibility of the German adminis-
tration could primarily be attributed to this. Finally, the cultu-
ral value of the monarchy for the German people was high and
could very well compensate for other drawbacks. The German
court cities were still the refuge of an artistic state of mind,
which is increasingly threatening to die out in our materialistic
times. What the German princes did for art and science, par-
ticularly in the nineteenth century, was exemplary. The present
period in any case cannot be compared with it.
As the greatest credit factor, however, in this period of incipi-
ent and slowly spreading decomposition of our nation, we must
note the army. It was the mightiest school of the German nation,
and not for nothing was the hatred of all our enemies directed
against this buttress of national freedom and independence. No
more glorious monument can be dedicated to this unique institu-
tion than a statement of the truth that it was slandered, hated,
combated, and also feared by all inferior peoples. The fact that
the rage of the international exploiters of our people in Versailles
was directed primarily against the old German army permits
us to recognize it as the bastion of our national

against our people. What the German people owes to the army
can be briefly summed up in a single word, to wit: everything.

The army trained men for unconditional responsibility at a
time when this quality had grown rare and evasion of it was be-
coming more and more the order of the day, starting with the
model prototype of all irresponsibility, the parliament; it trained
men in personal courage in an age when cowardice threatened
to become a raging disease and the spirit of sacrifice, the willing-
ness to give oneself for the general welfare, was looked on almost
as stupidity, and the only man regarded as intelligent was the
one who best knew how to indulge and advance his own ego: it
was the school that still taught the individual German not to
seek the salvation of the nation in lying phrases about an inter-
national brotherhood between Negroes, Germans, Chinese,
French, etc., but in the force and solidarity of our own nation.

The army trained men in resolution while elsewhere in life
indecision and doubt were beginning to determine the actions
of men. In an age when everywhere the know-it-alls were setting
the tone, it meant something to uphold the principle that some
command is always better than none. In this sole principle there
was still an unspoiled robust health which would long since have
disappeared from the rest of our life if the army and its training
had not provided a continuous renewal of this primal force.
We need only see the terrible indecision of the Reich's present
leaders, who can summon up the energy for no action unless it
is the forced signing of a new decree for plundering the people;
in this case, to be sure, they reject all responsibility and with the
agility of a court stenographer sign everything that anyone may
see fit to put before them. In this case the decision is easy to
take; for it is dictated.

was broken, and the man with higher education was removed
from the setting of his general environment, while precisely the
exact opposite would have been advantageous. In view of the
great unworldliness of our upper classes and their constantly
mounting -estrangement from their own people, the army could
iave exerted a particularly beneficial effect if in its own ranks,
at 'least, it had avoided any segregation of the so-called intelli-
gentsia. That this was not done was a mistake; but what insti-
tution in this-world makes no mistakes? In this one, at any rate,
the good was so predominant that the few weaknesses lay far
beneath the average degree of human imperfection. 1

It must be attributed to the army of the old Reich as its high-
est merit that at a time when heads were generally counted by
majorities, it-placed heads above the majority. Confronted with
the Jewishrdemocratic idea of a blind worship of numbers, the
army sustained belief in personality. And thus it trained what
the new .epoch most urgently needed: men. In the morass of a
universally spreading softening and effeminization, each year
■three hundred and fifty thousand vigorous young men sprang
from the ranks of the army, men who in their two years' train-
ing had lost the softness of youth and achieved bodies hard as
steel. The young man who practiced obedience during this time
couldrthen learn to command. By his very step you could recog-
nize the soldier who had done his service.

This was the highest school of the German nation, and it was
not for nothing that the bitterest hatred of those who from
envy and greed needed and desired the impotence of the Reich
and the def enselessness of its citizens was concentrated on it.
What many Germans in their blindness or ill will did not want to
see-was recognized by the foreign world: the German army was
the mightiest weapon serving the freedom of the German-nation
and the sustenance of its children.

* # #

It is odd in America, to be conservative you have to believe in Jesus, a towelhead from a middle eastern religion. Look at all the names in your dumb little bible. So many bible thumping high school dropouts on here screeching about Islam being the religion of hate, when their old testament is the exact same thing.

The third in the league, along with the state form and the
army, was the incomparable civil service of the old Reich.

Germany was the best organized and best administered country
in the world. The German government official might well be
accused of bureaucratic red tape, but in the other countries
things were no better in this respect; they were worse. But what
the other countries did not possess was the wonderful solidity of
this apparatus and the incorruptible honesty of its members. It
was better to be a little old-fashioned, but honest and loyal, than
enlightened and modern, but of inferior character and, as is
often seen today, ignorant and incompetent. For if today people
like to pretend that the German administration of the pre-War
period, though bureaucratically sound, was bad from a business
point of view, only the following answer can be given: what
country in the world had an institution better directed and better
organized in a business sense than Germany's state railways?
It was reserved to the revolution to go on wrecking this exem-
plary apparatus until at last it seemed ripe for being taken out
of the hands of the nation and socialized according to the lights
of this Republic's founders; in other words, made to serve inter-
national stock exchange capital, the power behind the German
revolution.

What especially distinguished the German civil service and
administrative apparatus was their independence from the indi-
vidual governments whose passing political views could have no
effect on the job of German civil servant. Since the revolution, it
must be admitted, this has completely changed. Ability and
competence were replaced by party ties and a self-reliant, inde-
pendent character became more of a hindrance than a help.

The state form, the army, and the civil service formed the
basis for the old Reich's wonderful power and strength. These
first and foremost were the reasons for a

may and can be placed in the leadership and administration of a
commonwealth. This confidence, in turn, results only from an
unshakable inner faith in the selflessness and honesty of the gov-
ernment and administration of a country and from an agreement
between the spirit of the laws and the general ethical view. For
in the long run government systems are not maintained by the
pressure of violence, but by faith in their soundness and in the
truthfulness with which they represent and advance the interests
of a people.
Gravely as certain evils of the pre-War period corroded and
threatened to undermine the inner strength of the nation, it
must not be forgotten that other states suffered even more than
Germany from most of these ailments and yet in the critical hour
of danger did not flag and perish. But if we consider that the
German weaknesses before the War were balanced by equally
great strengths, the ultimate cause of the collapse can and must
He in a different field; and this is actually the case.

The deepest and ultimate reason for the decline of the old
Reich lay in its failure to recognize the racial problem and its
importance for the historical development of peoples. For events
in the lives of peoples are not expressions of chance, but processes
related to the self-preservation and propagation of the species
and the race and subject to the laws of Nature, even if people
are not conscious of the inner reason for their actions.

Accepting your mind as the highest point of existence only shows how limited it is.

Technically there's still a prophet even without a god, it just makes him a fraud.

You'll just die of AIDS and contribute to the death of your society. The realization that there is no Yahweh to punish you is not a freeing thought- it is in fact depressing.

There is no punishment awaiting degenerates, and christians will let them do whatever they want because they have faith someone else will handle it.

Wow well I guess if this random guy said it I guess it must be true!!

Kys

sargon is just insufferable these days

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There is only welfare gibs.

We Just Disagree.
youtube.com/watch?v=b2ff8qXa248

Yeah I'm a Christian but this is about politics, can't force someone who doesn't want to be saved. There's enough Christian channels spreading the good word, not enough political channels enlightening the masses.

>sargon is just insufferable these days

RRRRREEEEEEEEEEEEEEEE why can't he stick to shitting on feminists RRREEEEEEEEEEE I wan't my points of view reafirmed by an e-celeb RRREEEEEEEEEEEEE stop mocking my beliefs RRREEEEEEEEEEE why don't you make even more SJW BTFO videos instead of attacking the alt-right RRREEEEEEEEEEE I wan't my safe space comedian back RRRRRREEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEE

there is nothing more affirming in my faith in the Lord God than the endless faggots that take antipathy toward Him.

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>twitter
>sargon
>1 post by this ID
saged and hidden

>If there was no religion their would be no war.
And yet behind America's wars are godless kikes out to get their shekels. God is'nt the cause of war, maybe the excuse. Even Marxists used to know about this shit

Sargon's slow slide into irrelevancy has been a pleasure to observe. He's on his last gasp, just like Milo.

Tell this to muslims and see how that plays over

>fagflag
>telling others to an hero

*Snap*

>If there was no religion their would be no war.
No, you theologically retarded faggot, there would be no war had Adam not bit into the forbidden fruit and had Cain not cast the killing blow against Abel. War was created by man's fallen nature, not by religion. The sack of Constantinople, where Christian killed Christian for a fucking copper (and cried heresy to excuse it) is evidence of this enough.